Share | Contact Us | NPEC Email Alerts |
Asia, Pacific Rim Europe Greater Middle East & Africa Russia South Asia


  
 

Follow @NuclearPolicy to be the first in on NPEC's latest research

 
More of NPEC’s Work
A chronological listing by resource:

Articles | Working Papers & Monographs | Interviews | Official Docs & Letters | Op-Eds & Blogs | Press Releases | Presentations | Audio & Video | Testimony & Transcripts | Translations
 
HOME > REGIONS > Greater Middle East & Africa      
Time for a New Middle East Nonproliferation Strategy

With Saudi Arabia secretly pursuing nuclear technology and Turkey and Egypt pushing nuclear programs as well, Washington should ponder why states tied to Washington or NATO for their security may go nuclear anyway. The short answer is, they increasingly believe America will abandon the region or already has.

This suggests what’s needed — an American-led effort to create more credible security and improved economic conditions in the region. As NPEC’s Wohlstetter Fellow John Spacapan argues in the attached piece for RealClearDefense, “What if Middle Eastern States worked together?”, America now has an opportunity to organize a coalition of friendly Middle Eastern states that would provide more security and prosperity than a nuclear bomb or reactor ever could. Rather than profer more bilateral deals state-by-state, Washington needs to approach the region by cultivating a coalition of like-minded states. 

On the security side, Washington could start by leading efforts to strengthen the ground forces of a group of friendly states, such as the UAE, Israel Jordan, Tunisia, Oman, Kuwait, and Morocco with improved joint training and exercises. The U.S. and other Western states would promise this aid along with air power and intelligence assistance, but not ground forces, for members that come under attack. On the economic side, the United States and other Western states would redouble their long-term development financing for non-nuclear energy alternatives, new infrastructure projects, and programs to promote entrepreneurship and improve schools. Diplomatically, the U.S. and its Western allies would facilitate solutions to regional energy disputes.

This diplomatic, economic, and security initiative would insist on coalition members forswearing dangerous nuclear weapons-related activities, such as enriching uranium and reprocessing spent reactor fuel. Members would accept the International Atomic Energy Agency’s highest standard of inspections under the Additional Protocol. Washington and others assisting the coalition would encourage nonnuclear energy options, not nuclear ones.

The ultimate aim of this effort would be to strengthen and expand it to include Turkey and Saudi Arabia. None of this will be easy but, if anything of lasting value is to come from the recent diplomatic opening to Israel, it should be this.

Sep 29, 2020
AUTHOR: John Spacapan

What if Middle Eastern States Worked Together?

By John Spacapan

September 29, 2020

A future with multiple states in the Middle East pointing nukes at one another seems more likely than ever before, but the Israel-UAE deal illuminates a solution. With Saudi Arabia secretly pursuing nuclear technology and Turkey and Egypt pursuing nuclear programs as well, Washington should ponder why states loaded with American weaponry are going nuclear anyway. The short answer is, they think America will, or already has, abandoned the region and chaos will ensue. To prove otherwise, America should organize a new Middle East coalition that provides more security and prosperity to its participants than a nuclear bomb or reactor ever could.

Saudi Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Salman (MBS) wants the bomb, and for reasons beyond Iran with the bomb. He and his father, King Salman, remember that the U.S. abandoned Egypt’s dictator Hosni Mubarak to support democracy protestors. MBS hears vigorous debates in Washington about banning conventional arms sales to Saudi Arabia for his human rights violations. The Saudis know Americans want out of the Middle East just as Russia, China, Turkey, and Iran pursue greater involvement. They wonder whether a close relationship with China and a nuclear arsenal makes more sense than placing their eggs in Washington’s basket.

Turkey’s President Erdogan and Egypt’s President Sisi have the same concerns. It’s no coincidence the Russians are building both Egypt and Turkey their first nuclear reactors and are training hundreds of Turkish and Egyptian nuclear scientists in Russia. It’s ostensibly for civilian nuclear power. In reality, these leaders want a latent nuclear option, and the Russians are happy to sow the seeds of conflict.

The rapprochement between Israel and the UAE suggests a way to put a lid on this nuclear caldron. Most Arab states and Israel want stable governments and strong economies in the region. Now, more Arab states are willing to openly work with Israel, so it’s politically possible to align these once-enemies behind shared goals.

The vehicle could be an American-led security and economic coalition that asks members to uphold three tenants. First, members agree to a defense plan in case another member comes under attack. Second, members cooperate on a regional economic development plan. Third, members that have already signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty should commit not to leave it and should foreswear nuclear activities that could be used to make nuclear explosive materials.

The coalition can start small with current U.S. non-NATO allies -- Israel, Jordan, Bahrain, Tunisia, Morocco -- plus the UAE. The courting of Egypt and Saudi Arabia would follow. Turkey would be a harder sell. But, if Ankara were convinced the U.S. would not leave the region, and there were economic and security benefits to be had in joining the new coalition, it just might bite. As for Iran, the coalition would create significant additional military and diplomatic leverage for a better deal.

On the security side, coalition members would work with one another to enhance each other’s defense. The U.S. would agree to bring its airpower, artillery, special operators, and intelligence to the table, while regional ground forces lead from the front. The United States has experience with this in its successful fight in 2016-17 against ISIS and in the 1990 Persian Gulf War.

The coalition also could create a military training and education center. As part of that program, the U.S. and other advanced militaries could help Arab members liberalize how they train and promote junior officers, two areas that have crippled Arab militaries. Multi-national training exercises could combine the best aspects of each member’s armed forces.

Coalition members could collaborate on economic development as well. Most of these countries want to improve their education systems, energy sectors, and opportunities for new and growing businesses. To help, the United States and other Western states could use their international credit and investment agencies -- the Development Finance Corporation, the International Finance Corporation, the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development -- to boost Western investment.

The Egyptians could get upfront and long-term funding guarantees for critical infrastructure. Jordanians, who enjoy developed telecommunications and roads but struggle to access financing for their businesses, could receive capital for that. The U.S. would help Saudi Arabia acquire capital to create new industries. For years, the UN has criticized Arab schools’ for focusing on memorization rather than reason and problem solving. America could provide more funding for nonprofit organizations that improve teacher training and curricula.

On the energy side, the U.S. and Europeans could help fund non-nuclear alternatives -- renewables, natural gas, and electrical grid and gas pipeline projects. Washington and other Western capitals could throw their diplomatic weight behind coalition members’ in international energy disputes. This would pique Egypt’s interest, which fears Turkish poaching and interference in their Eastern Mediterranean gas field. Meanwhile, Turkey might benefit from increasing its renewables portfolio.

Ultimately, convincing Middle Eastern and European states to join the proposed coalition will take considerable effort. But it would be worth it. The coalition would give the West more leverage to shape human rights and good governance. It’s also our best chance to deflate the nuclear ambitions of states that otherwise would get the bomb.

John Spacapan is the Wohlstetter Public Affairs Fellow at Nonproliferation Policy Education Center in Arlington, VA.

The Nonproliferation Policy Education Center (NPEC), is a 501 (c)3 nonpartisan, nonprofit, educational organization
founded in 1994 to promote a better understanding of strategic weapons proliferation issues. NPEC educates policymakers, journalists,
and university professors about proliferation threats and possible new policies and measures to meet them.
Feedback
1600 Wilson Blvd. | Suite 640 | Arlington, VA 22209 | phone: 571-970-3187 | webmaster@npolicy.org